'Barowaris', Communities & Conflicts

The words 'barowari' and 'conflict' might conjure up a modern-day image of pandals competing for the largest number of company-sponsored awards in Kolkata. Naturally, one can hardly think beyond the metropolis, dominated by sarbojanin pujas. But in the initial years of the emergence of barowari, Calcutta was known for the dazzling pujas of babus. The troubles for public festivities were of a different kind, lying beyond the city.
 



The origin of the barowari pujas in Bengal in the late eighteenth century is a well-known story. Derived from "baro-yaar-i" (of 12 friends), it began with Guptipara's Bindhyabasini Puja, as a form of protest to being denied entry into the Durga puja of a zamindar household, probably the Sen family. Challenging the exclusivity of the elite space, these young men organized a dazzling festival for all, which marked Guptipara's place in history as more than just a village famous for its Vaishnava temples, ratha, pundits and monkeys. It also marked a turning point in history, paving the way for many others who now knew that a Puja beyond the confines of a wealthy household was possible, with resources pooled from the community. 

Soon the custom spread further south, to the towns of Chinsurah, Shantipur and Kanchrapara, reaching Kolkata only in the early twentieth century.

 

Tamlipara Sarbojanin, Hooghly, one of the oldest continuing
Sarbojanin Durga Pujas in Hooghly

In the district of Hooghly, Chinsurah today is one of those towns with the largest number of sarbojanin Pujas. While the suvarnabanik mercantile community in the Chinsurah-Hooghly historically celebrated lavish household celebrations of Durga Puja, like we see in Calcutta, these old cities also witnessed the settlement of diverse jati occupational communities, some of whose names are still retained by localities or paras in Chinsurah- 'Shuri-para' (Shuri caste members are traditionally associated with alcohol distillation and selling), 'Jele-para' (Jele- community of fishermen) and 'Kamar-para'  (Kamar- blacksmiths). Most of these communities were not as affluent as compared to the Suvarnabaniks and the emergent Tilis, which prevented them from aspiring for higher positions in the social ladder. Thus, instead of the lavish household pujas, which were status symbols associated with the Suvarnabaniks, the newly emergent barowaris would have had a great appeal to them.
 

Kamarpara Sarbojanin, which began in 1932,
and continues worshipping a sabeki traditional form



Durga Puja of Sibtala Welfare Association


But a collective endeavour rarely goes without tensions. The early years of barowari weren’t immune to it either, especially because a community Puja didn't involve one dominant patron, but a diverse set of stakeholders. We see one such case in Chinsurah, in the 'Samachar Darpan' in August 1837 (Durga Puja in 1837 was in early October, so the eyewitness must have narrated a prior incident), reported by a man who frequented this place. Addressed originally to the editor of 'Gyananweshan', edited by Young Bengal leader Dakshinaranjan Mukherjee, a description given by a person who frequented Chinsurah describing "Hindoo" conflicts ultimately found a place in the columns of the Serampore missionary printed 'Samachar Darpan', a paper that generously printed the evils of "Hindoo" religion.



A snippet from the Samachar Darpan entry on August 19, 1837 

The account was of a barowari puja funded by public subscription, where tensions broke out between the two groups of organisers. The Tantis (weaver community), being Vaishnavas, wanted to worship her in the Vaishnav 'mawt' or tradition, while the Shakta Shuris wanted to worship her in the Shakta tradition, involving animal sacrifice. As disagreements grew increasingly heated, the Shuris approached the Magistrate, Mr. Samuell, a man who would soon be known for presiding over the famous case of Jaal Pratapchand. Emblematic of the East India Company's stance of maintaining status quo and interference in religious matters to a minimum, he gave a pragmatic solution - the Vaishnava Tantis would worship Durga first in their traditions, followed by the Shakta one and the goat sacrifice by the Shuris. However, conflicts again resurfaced during Bisarjan (immersion). The Tanti community, who had already finished their puja and done the ghat bisarjan (ritual immersion of the holy pot/kalash where the goddess is worshipped), refused to pay for the idol immersion. The enraged Shuri community, deceived of a collectively funded immersion, not only got embroiled in a resultant tussle, but also disposed of the idol of the goddess to melt and disintegrate in the rain. It is in this situation that our fellow author entered Chinsurah, finding the idol in a pitiable state, moving enough to write a newspaper entry.


Borobajar Sarbojanin, Chinsurah

Vaishnava-Shakta tussles over festivities weren't something new in this period. in 1834, when the Bank of Bengal reduced the list of holidays on Hindu festivals, eliminating Kali Puja, a deluge of letters flooded the government. While the government, trying to maintain neutrality in religious matters, argued that transaction of business wasn't forbidden during festivals by any "Hindoo Holiday law," many accussed that the bank was bending to the interests and wishes of a few merchants. Many even accussed the dewan of the Bank of Bengal, Ram Komol Sen, of influencing the holiday declarations by his own Vaishnava affiliations, since the holidays were declared on Kartik Puja, but not on Kali Puja, allowing Englishmen to question if these festivals were incumbent upon Bengali Hindus.

However, this report definitely stands out as a unique entry for such an early period, for newspapers in this period frequently reported on the celebrations of Durga Pujas in the housewholds of wealthy Bengali elites, but rarely turned their attention to public initiatives. It also shows that while diverse elements of the contemporary Bengal intelligentsia derided the "irreligiousity" and wasteful extravaganza of the Durga Pujas of Babus, accounts like these show that barowari pujos were not exempt from condemnations either.


References~

"To the Editor of Gyananneshun./ দুর্গার দুর্দশা ।" Samacara Darpana,-Vol 19, August 19, 1837. FID4SA Repository. https://fid4sa-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/1695/ 

McDermott, Rachel Fell. Revelry, Rivalry and Longing for the Goddess of Bengal. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011, 50-51.

Banerjee, Debanjana. "Barowari Pujo." The Statesman. September 13, 2o22. https://www.thestatesman.com/durga-puja/barowari-pujo-1503110807.html 

Gupta, Amitabha. "Guptipara: Birthplace of the People’s Durga Puja." Peepul Tree. October 22, 2o20. https://www.peepultree.world/livehistoryindia/story/history-daily/durga-puja-guptipara?srsltid=AfmBOoo8MIyL6wkrLwwAriGbcCmAdATLRgI_zPKUCWyVtxJ5_ryM-LWn 


Comments

Popular Posts